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Sunday, October 30, 2005

In Indictment's Wake, Focus on Cheney's Powerful Role

The New York Times


October 30, 2005

WASHINGTON, Oct. 29 - Vice President Dick Cheney makes only three brief appearances in the 22-page federal indictment that charges his chief of staff, I. Lewis Libby Jr., with lying to investigators and misleading a grand jury in the C.I.A. leak case. But in its clear, cold language, it lifts a veil on how aggressively Mr. Cheney's office drove the rationale against Saddam Hussein and then fought to discredit the Iraq war's critics.

The document now raises a central question: how much collateral damage has Mr. Cheney sustained?

Many Republicans say that Mr. Cheney, already politically weakened because of his role in preparing the case for war, could be further damaged if he is forced to testify about the infighting over intelligence that turned out to be false. At the least, they say, his office will be temporarily off balance with the resignation of Mr. Libby, who controlled both foreign and domestic affairs in a vice presidential office that has served as a major policy arm for the West Wing.
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A Leak, Then a Deluge

A Leak, Then a Deluge
Did a Bush loyalist, trying to protect the case for war in Iraq, obstruct an investigation into who blew the cover of a covert CIA operative?

By Barton Gellman
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, October 30, 2005; A01

Air Force Two arrived in Norfolk on Saturday morning, July 12, 2003, with Vice President Cheney and his chief of staff aboard. They had come "to send forth a great American ship bearing a great American name," as Cheney said from the flag-draped flight deck of the aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reagan.

As Cheney returned to Washington with I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby, the two men spoke of the news on Iraq -- the most ambitious use of the war machine Reagan built two decades before. A troublesome critic was undermining a principal rationale for the war: the depiction of Baghdad, most urgently by Cheney, as a nuclear threat to the United States.

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Tuesday, October 25, 2005

Jihad After The Quake

OutlookIndiaWeb Oct 24, 2005
Jihad After The Quake
While some fantasists want to see a 'window of opportunity' to improve Indo-Pak relations, in the aftermath of the earthquake, the situation on the ground recommends extra caution. KANCHAN LAKSHMAN Many in South Asia had hoped that the earthquake of October 8, 2005, which killed tens of thousands of people and affected millions on both sides of the Line of Control (LoC) would put a halt, at least momentarily, to the terrorist campaign in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) and allow for unhindered relief and rehabilitation operations. Some fantasists went so far as to see in this natural disaster a ?window of opportunity? for dramatic cooperation and an improvement of relations between India and Pakistan.[The official death toll of the quake in J&K has been pegged at 1308, which includes 1206 civilians and 102 SF personnel. At least 6622 people are injured while 12 Army and 21 Border Roads Organisation personnel are still missing. While at least 40,000 people have died in Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK), 38,007 people have died so far in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) in Pakistan].

Thursday, October 06, 2005

Argufying

Sep 30, 2005 Review Essay Argufying

The problem of Indian modernity and humanism needs to be examined afresh -- if Indian modernity is a way of viewing the world, we haven't scrutinised, enough, the gaze in the mirror. AMIT CHAUDHURI This article originally appeared in the Times Literary Supplement.Amartya Sen?s The Argumentative Indian is a civilised polemic about India; and it raises certain questions. For me, the most interesting of them is the implicit one: what need does the appearance of this book respond to, in writer and reader? This most banal of questions seems to lead to a (for me, at least) crucial discussion on culture.
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Thursday, September 22, 2005

The alternative UN

What kind of new worldwide organisation could be established that would truly defend humankind’s common resources and limit the major powers? Here are some suggestions for further debate.

By Monique Chemillier-Gendreau

THE reform of the United Nations is an old problem (1). UN bureaucracy, grossly inflated over the years, is widely thought inefficient. The Security Council, the main UN peacemaking body, still dominated by the victors of the second world war, has not lived up to its mandate. It has allowed conflicts to proliferate and intervened arbitrarily. The peace dividend promised at the end of the cold war was an illusion. Arms sales have soared again because the major powers chose to militarise their economies. Peacekeeping missions have developed exponentially, often leading to fiascos (2). President George Bush’s unilateral decision to invade Iraq removed a dictatorship only to plunge that country into chaos and violence, further confirming the helplessness of the UN.

Sunday, September 18, 2005

How Americans View U.S. Foreign Policy


Results of new national tracking survey from Public Agenda

When Americans were asked to name the most important global problems facing the United States, Iraq and terrorism were the two top concerns. Foreign nations' negative image of this country ranked number three. These and other findings, released jointly by Public Agenda and Foreign Affairs magazine, are part of the new Public Agenda Confidence in U.S. Foreign Policy Index.
The survey also reveals that American thinking about U.S. relations with the Islamic world is a disquieting mix of high anxiety, growing uncertainly about current policy, and virtually no consensus about what else the country might do.

Will the Prime Minister rise to the occasion?

The Daily Star, 17 September, 2005
Brigadier General Shamsuddin Ahmed (Retd)

The news is indeed very disconcerting for Bangladesh. Sixteen US senators and representatives, both Republicans and Democrats, including Senator Edward Kennedy and Senator John Kerry, are reported to have jointly urged Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to advise President George W Bush to raise the issue of political violence in Bangladesh at the ongoing United Nations World Summit.

They have referred specifically to bomb attacks on Sheikh Hasina and British High Commissioner Anwar Choudhury, assassination of former finance minister SAMS Kibria and the recent hundreds of coordinated bomb blasts across the country on August 17 as events illustrating the depth of the ever-rising problem of political violence in Bangladesh.
The worst comment was that the possibility of Bangladesh becoming a failed state and a base of operations for international terrorist organisations should be part of discussions at the summit. Whether or not President Bush will raise the Bangladesh issue at the summit is a matter of the US government. But the fact that the political violence in Bangladesh, particularly the bombing spree that has gripped the country during the rule of the present coalition government, is no longer an internal issue of the country, and is being talked about by the international community, especially by the lone superpower of the world, is a matter which is deeply worrisome for the people of Bangladesh. A country liberated through a bloody war and sacrifice of millions of people 34 years ago is now being branded as a likely failed state and a base of operations for international terrorist organisations thanks to the ineptitude and utter failure of this government as well as all previous governments to rein in the rising religious militancy in the country.

Tuesday, September 13, 2005

The UN: Scrap it or mend it?

Copyright 2005 New Statesman Ltd. ,
September 12, 2005 BYLINE: Dan Plesch
Scrap it says Tariq Ali.
An unredeemable tool of American policyThe agenda for the super-summit of world leaders in New York should contain just one item: the UN's funeral rites. All talk of reform should be abandoned, because the real choice on the table today is not between the present mess and a genuinely democratic body but between this mess and an interventionist agency that can serve as the military instrument of the new world order, just as the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organisation are used on the economic front. That is what the United States and Britain want. Far better, in such circumstances, that the UN be given a decent burial and the "humanitarian interventionists" be left to find some other structure to wage their wars.

Wednesday, September 07, 2005

Bangladesh: Seize the moment, celebrate the victory

HOLIDAY, 02 September, 2005
NM Harun
The rainbow is short-lived, but its beauty lingers in the beholder's mind. The August 29 High Court judgment pronouncing Martial Law and the Fifth Amendment unconstitutional is a brilliant rainbow in the dark, cloudy skyscape of the chequered statehood of the Bengali nation. The Supreme Court has since stayed the verdict and the government will prefer an appeal against it within two months. Whatever may eventually happen to the HC's verdict, it is a loud reiteration of the supremacy of the people's will -- the victory of republicanism, democracy and constitutionalism over the brute force of the military, and of politics over conspiracies. So seize the moment, and celebrate the victory while the verdict remains alive, albeit in a state of suspended animation -- at least as an icon from which to draw inspiration for the future struggles of the people.

Tuesday, September 06, 2005

UN Reform ?

Copyright 2005 The Washington Post,
September 2, 2005 BYLINE: Colum Lynch, Washington Post Staff Writer.
The Bush administration has accused senior U.N. officials of "manipulating the truth" by suggesting that the United States is backsliding on commitments made over the past five years to increase foreign assistance to the world's poor.Ric Grenell, the spokesman for the U.S. mission to the United Nations, wrote in an e-mail to the world body's top spokesmen that a recent U.N. press statement indicating that President Bush had endorsed a list of aid targets, known as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), reflected a "bias" against the United States that he said was a "deep cause for concern." The remarks came one week after John R. Bolton, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, told U.N. delegates for the first time in writing that the Bush administration never agreed to support the goals, which call for increased funding to drastically reduce poverty, halt the spread of HIV/AIDS and eradicate a host of deadly diseases by 2015

Sunday, September 04, 2005

The Diary of Amal Salman

washingtonpost.com
The U.S. Invasion, March - April 2003

Friday, September 2, 2005; 5:30 PM

Amal Salman is an Iraqi girl living in Baghdad who turned 14 during the U.S. invasion of Iraq. Washington Post staff writer Anthony Shadid first visited the Salman family in March 2003. During the war and the ensuing conflict, Amal recorded her family's experiences in her diary. She shared copies of her journal with Shadid. These are translated excerpts of Amal's diary.

Monday, March 17, 2003

In the name of God the merciful, the compassionate.

My name is Amal. I have a happy family made up of nine persons: three brothers, who are Ali, a soldier in Mosul; Mohammed, an engraver; and Mahmoud, a student. There are five sisters: Fatima, who helps my mother at home; Zainab; Amal; and my twin sisters, Duaa and Hibba. I am very proud of my mother because she is a great person, who works to bring us food because my father died when we were young, back in Ramadan in 1996 in a car accident. We moved to an apartment on Feb. 1, 2003. We feel very sad having had to move from our house, which we loved, and in which we were raised and spent some beautiful years. Now we are in a nice apartment. . . . We do not want war in Iraq, the land of civilization and prophets. War will be torture. You can see sadness in the eyes of children, and fear. My mother is crying, afraid for us. War separates people, the people we love, and we are worried about the war and the destruction that comes with it. We are supplying ourselves with water and scared that water and electric power will be cut off. Duaa and Hibba are praying to God all the time, to avert war. Fatima feels hopeful that war will not occur. At 8:30, my mom baked a lot of bread for us, so that we will not be short during the war because bakeries will be closed. We keep asking why is there war in the world? Why? . . . Praise to God for everything, but I wish there wouldn't be a war.

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Tuesday, August 30, 2005

Polls financing major source of graft: WB

World Bank (WB) Country Director Christine I Wallich yesterday said election financing is a major source of corruption, which has retarded the country's infrastructure development, investment climate, and ultimately the development process. "The cost of getting elected in Bangladesh is said to be among the highest in the world," she said addressing a two-day workshop on infrastructure in the city adding that Tk 200 billion were said to be spent by the parties in the elections. She urged the Election Commission (EC) to implement rigorously and relentlessly the recent High Court directive to gather information regarding the candidates' income, assets and liabilities.

Bangladesh Polls cost highest in Asia : WB

Tuesday August 30 2005 10:09:23 AM
The World Bank country director, Christine Wallich, on Monday said election campaign expense in Bangladesh is among the highest in the world, fuelling corruption and hindering infrastructure development.( The New Age BD )The finance minister, M Saifur Rahman, and the state minister for power, Iqbal Hassan Mahmood, however, refuted her and termed her observation ?sweeping comments on a poor country?.They were speaking in the inaugural session of an international workshop on ?Infrastructure Financing in Bangladesh? at the Dhaka Sheraton hotel, jointly organised by the Bangladesh Bank and the Board of Investment with the assistance of the World Bank.?Current problems of infrastructure governance lie outside the infrastructure sectors themselves and lie in Bangladesh?s system of corruption,? said Wallich, while delivering her speech as special guest.Terming election financing one of the major sources of corruption, she quoted some ?apocryphal? figures saying $3.3 billion, which is about five per cent of the GDP, were spent by the parties in the last elections

Friday, August 26, 2005

North Korea: The War Game

The Atlantic Monthly July/August 2005

Dealing with North Korea could make Iraq look like child's play—and the longer we wait, the harder it will get. That's the message of a Pentagon-style war game involving some of this country's most prominent foreign-policy strategists
by Scott Stossel


On the third weekend in March, while America was transfixed by the most exciting NCAA basketball tournament in years, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice was in the Far East, in the midst of a series of meetings with her opposite numbers in six Asian countries. Arriving in Seoul, South Korea, on Saturday, she boarded a U.S. Army Black Hawk helicopter and flew to Command Post Tango, the underground bunker that would be the nerve center for the U.S. military in the event of a war against North Korea. While not quite on the order of Ariel Sharon's parading around the Temple Mount in Israel, Rice's move was undeniably provocative. No high-ranking American official had ever visited the bunker before—and the choice of a military site as the secretary of state's first stop seemed to represent a gentle rattling of the sword. What's more, Rice spoke against a backdrop of computers and television screens monitoring the 20,000 South Korean and American soldiers who were at that very moment engaging in one of their regular war-game exercises—practicing, in effect, to fight a war with North Korea no sane person hopes ever to see.

Wednesday, August 24, 2005

The Fall of the House of Saud

The Fall of the House of Saud

Americans have long considered Saudi Arabia the one constant in the Arab Middle East—a source of cheap oil, political stability, and lucrative business relationships. But the country is run by an increasingly dysfunctional royal family that has been funding militant Islamic movements abroad in an attempt to protect itself from them at home. A former CIA operative argues, in an article drawn form his new book, Sleeping With the Devil, that today's Saudi Arabia can't last much longer—and the social and economic fallout of its demise could be calamitous

by Robert Baer
.....
n the decades after World War II the United States and the rest of the industrialized world developed a deep and irrevocable dependence on oil from Saudi Arabia, the world's largest and most important producer. But by the mid-1980s—with the Iran-Iraq war raging, and the opec oil embargo a recent and traumatic memory—the supply, which had until that embargo been taken for granted, suddenly seemed at risk. Disaster planners in and out of government began to ask uncomfortable questions. What points of the Saudi oil infrastructure were most vulnerable to terrorist attack? And by what means? What sorts of disruption to the flow of oil, short-term and long-term, could be expected? These were critical concerns. Underlying them all was the fear that a major attack on the Saudi system could cause the global economy to collapse.

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The unanswerable question of an innocent child

New Age/24 August/2005
Konka Rahim...... narrates how killing and intimidation in the name of Islam has made it that much more difficult for a mother to introduce her young son to the great religion
The August 17 serial bombings that left two persons dead and over a hundred injured were obviously not meant for large-scale killing. But the underlying message of the blasts was only too clear: We have the ability to kill and maim people in the thousands. And if the text of the handbills found at the explosion sites really has something to do with the explosions, the incident has a politically qualified message: We are determined to set up an Islamic theocratic state in Bangladesh, and we are literally ready to kill any number of people who will stand in our way. If it really so happens, the democratic forces divided into various camps are in real danger, politically. They have to face it politically. Meanwhile, the serial blasts have exposed myself, a liberal democratic mother aspiring for my young children to get acquainted with liberal spiritual Islam, to a serious problem.

A new force arrives

Daily Star/Vol. 5 Num 443 Wed. August 24, 2005
M.B. Naqvi
Aright-wing fringe Islamic party organised an attention-grabbing demonstration by exploding virtually simultaneously more than 400 bombs in all the major cities and towns of Bangladesh last week. This is a forceful demonstration by, historically speaking, a new revolutionary force. It is sure to become even more extreme and would probably be more thoroughgoing. Needless to say, its progression will be marked by more terrorist acts against an established Muslim state -- its goal is to establish a new revolutionary Islamic state, on the lines of Talibani Afghanistan.This revolutionary force rejects what obtains: a more or less secular democratic structure run by mainly conservative Muslim parties. What is desired to replace it is now no mystery. All orthodox Islamic schools of thought in the Subcontinent have now come to approve as truly Islamic what the Taliban did in Afghanistan -- establish a Caliphate. It was run by Mullah Umar whose word was final in all spheres of life: politics, religion, economy, and culture. He was the apex of decision-making and he may or may not consult anyone in arriving at any particular decision. A revolutionary new Islamic state in Bangladesh would have a local version of Mullah Umar as its Amirul Momineen, whose word would be final in politics, religion, economy, and culture. He would be above even the Chief Qazi and would establish total sway of Islam over the society, as he understands it.

Monday, August 22, 2005

Joi Bangla to Zindabad, Khuda Hafiz to Allah Hafiz

The constitutional principle of secularism was arbitrarily replaced by a belief in Allah, an act that was later given legal sanction through the fifth amendment to the constitution. Joi Bangla, the rallying cry of the nation in the War of Liberation and after, went fugitive in official circles. The Islamisation of Bangladesh took fresh, almost strident new steps during the regime of the nation’s second military dictator Hussain Muhammad Ershad, writes ...

Syed Badrul Ahsan

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Sunday, August 21, 2005

How India Reconciles Hindu Values and Biotech

NY Times. August 21, 2005
PANKAJ MISHRALONDON — In 2001, President Bush restricted federal financing for stem cell research. The decision, which was shaped at least partly by the Republican Party's evangelical Christian base, and which disappointed many American scientists and businessmen, provoked joy in India. The weekly newsmagazine India Today, read mostly by the country's ambitious middle class, spoke of a "new pot of gold" for Indian science and businesses. "If Indians are smart," the magazine said, American qualms about stem cell research "can open an opportunity to march ahead."

Saturday, August 20, 2005

State of denial?


State of denial?
Daily Star
Vol. 5 Num 440 Sun. August 21, 2005 State of denial?Mozammel H. Khan writes from TorontoThe worst did not happen, but could have happened. The perpetrators of last Wednesday's country-wide bomb attacks were somewhat kind for the fact that they did not use the deadliest weapons as available in the arsenals of their international comrades. If they had, there would have been a national catastrophe of astronomical magnitude. The precision with which half a thousand or so bombs were detonated in every district town of the country except one, with the utmost accuracy in a time span of only thirty minutes, not only underscored their superb technical know-how, but reflected the discipline and synchronicity of their network as well. Next time around, God forbid, people of the country may not be so fortunate......

Friday, August 19, 2005

We can't say that we haven't been warned

Zafar Sobhan
The only possible silver lining to the horrific serial bomb blasts that reached into every nook and corner of the country on August 17 (apart from the fact that the death toll was thankfully low) is that now at least we can perhaps agree that the debate on the presence of religious extremists in Bangladesh, their scope, and their intentions can be put to rest.
There can be no doubt (not that there should have been before, but anyway) that there exists a well-organised movement that wishes to replace our democratic system of government with a religious theocracy, and that they are prepared to use any means necessary to achieve their ends.

'If Bush Is So Acceptable To Manmohan And The Congress, Why Lose Sleep Over Modi?'

The world is a small place. At least it is to the Booker-winning author. She talks on, perhaps, every defining topic of our times. S. ANAND
I was about to buy batteries for my recorder for this interview and was avoiding, as usual, a certain unrepentant brand associated with the Bhopal gas tragedy. Sometimes, such independent choices are not even possible in this world which some say is becoming flat. What are your thoughts?We live in an Age of Spurious Choice. Eveready or Nippo? Coke or Pepsi? Nike or Reebok?—that’s the more superficial, consumer end of the problem. Then we have the spurious choice between the so-called "corrupt" public sector and the "efficient" private sector. The real question is, does democracy offer real choice? Not really, not anymore. In the recent US elections, was the choice between Bush and Kerry a real choice? Was the choice between Blair and his counterpart in the Conservative Party a real choice? For the Indian poor, has the choice between the Congress and the BJP been a real choice? They are all apparent choices accompanied by a kind of noisy theatre which conceals the fact that all these apparently warring parties share an almost complete consensus. They just exchange slogans depending on whether they’re in the opposition or in the government.

Wednesday, August 17, 2005

Pt.Ravi Shankar was jealous of first wife

New Delhi, June 23, 2005
The only female surbahar player in the country, Annapurna Devi, is a musician in her own right. Yet few have listened to her, thanks to "jealous" husband, Pt Ravi Shankar, who did not allow her to sing in public, a new book reveals.
"... Ravi was justifiably jealous. And so he elicited a vow from his (first) wife that she would no longer play in public," says the first authorised biography of Annapurna Devi, a legend, who has led a reclusive life and stayed away from public performances for several years. "There are many versions of this anecdote afloat, mostly apocryphal. Annapurna, however, told me that something worse had happened than Ravi attempting to make her take this oath. But she added that she would divulge it to none...," says author Swapan Kumar Bandhopadhyay, in the book 'An Unheard Melody: Annapurna Devi, An Authorised Biography.' Bandhopadhyay, one of her disciples, says this was bound to happen "if the husband and wife share the same profession. It is the male ego. For Ravi Shankar, it was worse. He was ambitious and ego-centric, he would not allow anyone to rule the world. Truly, he was the sun and loved to shine alone in the sky. So perhaps he decided to take her away from public performances."

Tuesday, August 16, 2005

V.S.Naipaul at Home

NY Times
August 7, 2005
PROFILE; The Irascible Prophet: V. S. Naipaul at Home By Rachel Donadio Two monuments rise like emblems from the green countryside of Wiltshire, England, not far from the secluded house of V. S. Naipaul: Stonehenge and Salisbury Cathedral. They are signposts in a landscape Naipaul has been traversing for more than half a century, one in which the impulses of culture, civilization and progress have always existed in close and uneasy proximity to the impulses of paganism, religion and disorder.

Mustaque Approached US Embassay in Dhaka

Mustaque group approached US embassy in Dhaka Lawrence LifschultzBird had unearthed some curious files at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace left over from a major study at Carnegie concerned with American policy and Bangladesh's War of Independence. The project, headed by Roger Morris, a former aide to Kissinger at the National Security Council, had been aborted under murky circumstances. According to Morris, Kissinger himself had pressed for the project to be abandoned. However, the remaining files, mainly raw interviews with nearly a hundred and fifty American officials ranging from the State Department to the Pentagon and the CIA, was a gold mine of detail for someone with a knowledgeable eye.
During this visit to Washington I decided to contact Eugene Boster, the American Ambassador at the time of the 1975 coup, who was based at the State Department headquarters in the capital. I had met Boster on several occasions in Dhaka and had visited his home when the American Ambassador to New Delhi, Daniel Moynihan, on a brief visit to Bangladesh had asked to meet me to discuss an article I had written for The Washington Post which had been somewhat critical of Moynihan. Ambassador Boster organized a small meeting of the three of us over drinks at his residence. However, I had not met Boster since the 1975 coup. I hadn't been quite ready to see him. I wanted to be certain that when I did I was clear about the specific questions I wanted to pose.

Monday, August 15, 2005

The long shadow of the August 1975 coup

Was the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family members on August 15, 1975 merely the result of personal malice and an act out of sudden fury of some army officers?
Long investigation by veteran US journalist Lawrence Lifschultz has made it clear that there was a deep-rooted conspiracy behind the dark episode of August 15.
Lifschultz in a number of investigative reports published in newspapers made it clear that Khandaker Moshtaque and a quarter of US embassy officials in Dhaka were closely involved with the small section of army officers in the August 15 coup.
At long last, Lifschultz disclosed the name of his "very reliable source", the then US ambassador in Dhaka Eugene Booster with whom he has maintained close communication for the 30 years.
Booster repeatedly objected to the conspiracy leading to the August 15 assassination, even issued written instruction in this regard, but failed to prevent the then station chief Philip Cherry of US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in Dhaka office from doing the conspiracy.
Lifschultz's plan to publish an interview of Eugene Booster in this regard remained unfulfilled as Booster passed away on July 7 last.
The new-born Bangladesh could not save herself from the wrath of then foreign secretary Henry Kissinger who could never forget that Bangladesh was born in opposition to his suggestion.
Along with Salvador Allende of Chile and Taiyoo of Vietnam, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was in Kissinger's political vendetta.
What USA started during the Liberation War in 1971 with attempt to split the Awami League using Khandaker Moshtaque and his accomplices continued after the independence following a direct US instigation, resulting in the carnage on August 15, 1975.
On basis of his 30 years' investigation that included interviews with the US sources, Moshtaque and others concerned, Lifschultz has written a series of that tale.

More on: http://www.thedailystar.net/2005/08/15/d5081501033.htm

Saturday, August 13, 2005

Can Pakistan Work ?

Can Pakistan Work?
A Country in Search of ItselfBy Pervez Hoodbhoy
From Foreign Affairs, November/December 2004
The Idea of Pakistan. Stephen Philip Cohen. Washington: Brookings Institution Press, 2004, 367 pp.$32.95

When he founded Pakistan in 1947, Muhammad Ali Jinnah-an impeccably dressed Westernized Muslim with Victorian manners and a secular outlook-promised the subcontinent's Muslims that they would finally be able to fulfill their cultural and civilizational destiny. Although the new nation arose from a bloodbath of ethnic cleansing and sectarian violence, and its fundamental premise was that Hindus and Muslims could never live together, its early years nevertheless held some promise of a liberal, relatively secular polity. But with time, Jinnah's Pakistan has grown weaker, more authoritarian, and increasingly theocratic. Now set to become the world's fourth most populous nation, it is all of several things: a client state of the United States yet deeply resentful of it; a breeding ground for jihad and al Qaeda as well as a key U.S. ally in the fight against international terrorism; an economy and society run for the benefit of Pakistan's warrior class, yet with a relatively free and feisty press; a country where education and science refuse to flourish but which is nevertheless a declared nuclear power; and an inward-looking society that is manifestly intolerant of minorities but that has never seen anything like the state-organized pogroms of India, Afghanistan, Iran, or China.

Thursday, August 11, 2005

Clan Democracy

Clan democracy
By Cedric Gouverneur
SINCE the end of the dictatorship in 1991, two clan-run parties have alternately held power in Bangladesh: the Awami League (AL) under Sheikh Hasina, and the Bengali Nationalist party (BNP) led by Khaleda Zia. Hasina is the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the first Bangladeshi head of state after independence in 1971, who was killed in 1975 together with his family in a pro-United States coup. Khaleda Zia is the widow of General Zia, who governed Bangladesh from 1976 until his assassination in 1981. Both women claim to be the heirs of their deceased relative, whom each claims was the founding father of Bangladesh.
Hatred of the opposition's leader is the main criterion for recruitment into each party's youth organisation, known for tyrannising streets and campuses.
On the political chessboard, the BNP is allied to the Islamists while the AL claims to be secular, but both are neoliberal and use similar practices. Both begums accuse each other of corruption and human rights violations.
In Bangladesh power signifies both money and immunity. Electoral defeat means considerable loss of revenue for the politician and his or her clan, hence the refusal to contemplate losing power. The opposition, whichever party it is, will boycott parliament and organise hartals (strikes), during which opponents may see their shops burned down, to trigger early elections. Bombs have been set off at opposition meetings as well as in NGO offices.
Vote buying is a common practice during elections. According to a poll in a Dhaka slum in 1999 by Bangladeshi political scientists, 17% of the electorate voted for the party that had given them free cigarettes, 10% had received soft drinks, 9% cash bribes; 12% were threatened. "In the village where I work a vote costs $1.55," says a western aid worker. "If the results don't match the payments, the mastaans will identify and punish those that haven't complied." Ignorance will do the rest. "During the campaign, the opposition's main argument was my alleged atheism," complains Firuz Ahmed, a lawyer for the poor and leftwing candidate for Khulna in 2001.
According to the United Nations, Bangladesh's literacy rate is 41%, so low that some people see it the result of a deliberate policy. "Illiteracy suits the elite, it enables them to manipulate people," says a Bangladeshi journalist. Political science posits that the middle class with its social aspirations in a stable environment is a major factor in democracy. Yet 80% of Bangladeshis are below the poverty line. In the streets of Dhaka the range of motor vehicles goes from beaten-up old buses to luxurious air-conditioned SUVs. The elite paralyse society but they are still elected. Strictly speaking, Bangladesh is a democracy.

Bangladesh in the grip of globalized trade

EXPORTS FOR THE NORTH MEAN EXPLOITATION FOR THE SOUTH
Bangladesh in the grip of globalised trade

Globalisation in Bangladesh means manufacturing clothes and raising shrimps for western markets. This has caused poverty and human rights violations. Representative democracy has broken down; Bangladeshis are turning to voluntary associations to practise direct democracy.
By Cedric Gouverneur
THE hamlet of Baro Ari in the Khulna region of southwest Bangladesh is lost in the reaches of the Ganges. It is difficult to find, and yet globalisation has already arrived there, along with its unique market opportunity, shrimps and prawns. Local bigwigs opened the dykes of polders in 2000, flooding with salt water land that belonged to poor farmers. With the connivance of a corrupt police force, they then transformed the drowned land into lucrative crustacean farms.
“We’ve got nothing left,” says Suranjan ­Kumar, his face hollow with undernourishment. The 20 or so men around him nod in agreement. “We sometimes get work as daily farm labourers for 78 cents.” The conditions border on servitude. Farmers have to hand over as much as two-thirds of their harvest to the landowner. “The salt has destroyed ­everything,” says Abu Sahid Gazhi, who spent 11 months in jail for objecting to the theft of his land.

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Friday, July 15, 2005

Crossfire: When innocents are victims

Daily Star/14 July,
CrossfireWhen innocents become victims At least 14 killed by Rab had no criminal recordsShariful IslamAt least 14 innocent people were killed in the custody of Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) and police either in "crossfire" or from torture by the law-enforcers since the beginning of an extra-judicial killing spree in June last year.
These killings were not linked to anticrime measures as the victims did not have criminal records. Such extra-judicial killings sparked widespread grievances and protests among people and human rights bodies.
In all 14 cases the victims' relatives and neighbours said they were killed intentionally for vested interest or someone might have used the law enforcement agencies to take revenge on them. In some cases, misleading information furnished to the law-enforcers had led to the killings, they said.

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Wednesday, July 13, 2005

Kosovo: Threat of enduring nationalism

Threat of enduring nationalism Kosovo’s rival histories
Negotiations on the status of Kosovo will start later this year. If the rights of all who live in or want to return to Kosovo are to be guaranteed, there has to be cooperation between the communities, not supremacy alternating between Serbs and Albanians.
By Jean-Arnault Dérens
A FEW kilometres outside Kosovo’s capital, Pristina, are two sacred sites. A tower commemorates the battle of Kosovo Polje on 28 June 1389, where a Turkish invading force defeated a coalition of the Christian peoples of the Balkans led by the Serbian prince, Lazar Hrebeljanovic.

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Tuesday, July 12, 2005

Relief for a price, G-8

Vol:22 Iss:14 URL: http://www.flonnet.com/fl2214/stories/20050715000905200.htm
WORLD AFFAIRSRelief for a price
JOHN CHERIAN
The G-8's debt relief proposal for 18 poor countries comes with strings attached - they have to adhere to market reforms and pro-globalisation policies.
CARL DE SOUZA/AFP Gordon Brown.
IN the second week of June, Finance Ministers of the Group of Eight (G-8) countries announced, with great fanfare, their plans to "write-off" the debts of the poorest countries, most of them situated in sub-Saharan Africa. Gordon Brown, United Kingdom's Chancellor of the Exchequer, who is credited with working out the debt relief initiative, said in London that the plan was "a major breakthrough" as it offers up to 100 per cent multilateral debt relief to the "vast bulk" of the debts owed by the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC). "Debts that are simply unpayable in the real world are finally taken care of. It is the richest countries hearing the voices of the poor," Brown said.


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Monday, July 11, 2005

Ten years of Srebrenica massacre

Bosnians grieve, West regrets Srebrenica massacre
By Daria Sito-Sucic and Maja Zuvela1 hour, 23 minutes ago
Families buried the remains of Srebrenica victims on Monday on the 10th anniversary of the massacre and the West acknowledged its failure to prevent Europe's worst atrocity in 50 years.
Thousands of men formed long rows, passing the 610 green-draped coffins one by one above their heads to freshly dug graves where women in white headscarves waited by wooden markers, many weeping or silently praying.
Each narrow, cylindrical box was tagged with a number and a name. Each was light, containing only bones painstakingly identified by DNA analysis. Each family buried its own, shifting the sodden earth with shovels, buckets or by hand.
The dead had lain for years in hidden pits where they were flung by Bosnian Serb troops in July 1995 after the systematic slaughter of 8,000 unarmed Muslim men and boys taken from what was supposed to be a U.N.-protected "safe area."
"Srebrenica was the failure of NATO, of the West, of peacekeeping and of the United Nations. It was the tragedy that should never be allowed to happen again," said former U.S. Balkans envoy Richard Holbrooke.
Bosnian Serb army commander Ratko Mladic and his political master Radovan Karadzic are indicted for genocide for the atrocity. Both remain at large.
President Bush sent condolences to Bosnia on behalf of the American people, saying the Srebrenica atrocity remained a source of pain for all who believed in the dignity of human life.
"We also remain committed to ensuring that those responsible for these crimes face justice, most notably Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic," he said in a statement.
A message from U.N Secretary-General Kofi Annan repeated that Srebrenica would haunt the world body forever. Some 400 lightly armed Dutch troops guarding Srebrenica's Muslims were swept aside by Bosnian Serb forces while the United Nations rejected appeals for air strikes by NATO to halt their advance.
"The victims had put their trust in international protection. But we, the international community, let them down," said a message from European Union foreign policy chief Javier Solana. "This was a colossal, collective and shameful failure."
MORE AWAIT BURIAL
"The truth cannot be forgotten, it cannot be denied. The evil must be spoken about for the evil not to be forgotten," said Mustafa efendi Ceric, Bosnia's chief Islamic priest.
Srebrenica, once a bustling Muslim-majority town, today is a dismal shell in the Serb Republic half of Bosnia. From a pre-war population of 36,000 only 9,000 live there now, most of them Serbs. The only visitors are those who tend to the graves.
Yet the evidence of massacre has little influence on those Serbs who insist any killing was simply a hard fact of war or who deny the massacre even happened -- despite a Bosnian Serb report last year acknowledging the mass killings.
Although Bosnia declared Monday a day of national mourning, its Serb Republic said it was "not informed" and largely failed to observe it. In Serbia, only a few private channels offered live television coverage of the ceremony.
Serbian President Boris Tadic attended the memorial and laid a wreath, ignoring Serb nationalists who objected, saying he should honor Serb war dead instead.
A choir opened the ceremony with the mournful "Srebrenica Inferno" as families sought out the final resting places of their fathers, husbands and sons. All of the Muslims among an estimated 40,000 mourners turned to Mecca and knelt for prayers.
"Our pain continues, every year we come to bury someone else," said Hajrija Mujic, who was burying her father-in-law. Her husband's remains were identified too late for burial today.
The massacre, in the final months of a 43-month war that claimed 200,000 lives, aimed to ensure there were no Muslims to fight back or reclaim Serb-occupied land or homes in the future.
Monday's funerals raise the number of identified and buried victims to about 2,000. There are 7,000 body bags with remains still to be identified and 20 more mass graves await excavation.
(Additional reporting by Nedim Dervisbegovic in Sarajevo)

Sunday, July 10, 2005

Bangladesh: No judges in 219 courts.

If this is the situation, how one can expect Rule of Law ?
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New Age/10 July, 2005
No judges in 219 courts, 87 on deputation SHAHIDUZZAMAN
Eighty-seven judges are performing non-judicial functions with different ministries and departments on deputation when 219 courts of the country have been running without judges for years. Thirty-one district judges, 13 additional district judges, 32 joint district judges and 11 assistant district judges have been deputed by ignoring the 12-point directive of the Supreme Court, and causing enormous sufferings to the litigants, the court sources said. Sources in the law, justice and parliamentary affairs ministry said crisis of judges reached such a stage as the government could not go for fresh recruitment following a SC bar. The SC on December 2, 1999 detailed the 12-point directive regarding the separation of the judiciary from the administration, barring the government to go for fresh recruitment before forming a Judicial Services Commission. It also imposed a restriction on the performance of non-judicial and administrative functions by the judges on deputation in any ministry or department of the government. It, however, allowed deputation to perform judicial functions. The court sources said judicial activities, which had been affecting because of the want of judges, reached to the peak for the deputation of the judges. A row between the SC and the ministry over the transfer and posting of judges is also affecting the judicial activities in many courts as the posts of more than a dozen of district judges and three joint district judges are lying vacant for the same reason, they added. The Supreme Court is sitting idle with some files of transfer and posting of judges on ground that it does not match the court’s 12-point directive and set rules of the court, claimed a source in the court. According to the constitution, the government has to transfer and offer posting of the judges in consultation with the Supreme Court. The ministry sources, however, said the ministry had referred some files of transfer and posting of the judges requesting the Supreme Court to review its previous recommendations. The law minister, Moudud Ahmed, told New Age on Saturday that all the deputations were made in consultation with the Supreme Court. He, however, said 21 of the judges were deputed to the law ministry to perform judicial-administrative functions. The ministry has to propose for deputation of the rest of the judges according to the demands made by different ministries and departments to deal with legal matters in their respective offices, he added. Meanwhile, the Anti-Corruption Commission, the Bangladesh Telecommunication Regulatory Commission and five other ministries and departments have asked the law ministry to depute nine judges, said sources in the ministry.

Saturday, July 09, 2005

Monday Musing: The Man With Qualities

Written by Abbas Reza
Monday Musing: The Man With Qualities
Sahabzada Yaqub Khan is the father of one of my closest friends, Samad Khan. He is also probably the most remarkable man I have ever met. All Pakistanis know who he is, as do many others, especially world leaders and diplomats, but to those of you for whom his name is new, I would like to take this Monday Musing as an opportunity to introduce him.
The first time that I met Sahabzada Yaqub Khan about six years ago, he was in Washington and New York as part of a tour of four or five countries (America, Russia, China, Japan, etc.) relations with which are especially important to Pakistan. He had come as President Musharraf's special envoy to reassure these governments in the wake of the fall of the kleptocratic shambles that was Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's so-called democratic government. Samad Khan, or Sammy K as he is affectionately known to friends, invited me over to his apartment to meet his Dad. I had heard and read much about Sahabzada Yaqub and knew his reputation for fierce intellect and even more intimidating, had heard reports of his impatience with and inability to suffer fools, so I was nervous when I walked in. Over the next couple of hours I was blown away: Sahabzada Yaqub was not much interested in talking about politics, and instead, asked about my doctoral studies in philosophy. It was soon apparent that he had read widely and deeply in the subject, and knew quite a bit about the Anglo-American analytic philosophy I had spent the previous five years reading. He even asked some pointed questions about aspects of philosophy which even some graduate students in the field might not know about, much less laymen. Though we were interrupted by a series of phone calls from the likes of Henry Kissinger wanting to pay their respects while Sahabzada Yaqub was in town, we managed to talk not just about philosophy, but also physics (he wanted to know more about string theory), Goethe (SYK explained some of his little-known scientific work, in addition to quoting and then explicating some difficult passages from Faust), the implications of Gödel's incompleteness theorem, and Urdu literature, of which Sahabzada Yaqub has been a lifelong devotee.
I left late that night dazzled by his brilliance, and elated by his warmth and generosity. Sahabzada Yaqub listens more than he speaks, but when he does speak, he is a raconteur extraordinaire. Since then, I have been fortunate enough to get to know him well, and have spent many a rapt hour in his company. On my last trip to Islamabad, he and his wife and Sammy K had me and my wife Margit over for dinner, where upon learning that Margit is from Italy, Sahabzada Yaqub spoke with her in Italian. Then, realizing that she is from the South Tyrol (the German-speaking part of Italy near the Austrian border), he spoke to her in German, giving us a fascinating mini-lecture on German translations of Shakespeare. I can picture him now, emphatically declaiming "Sein oder nicht sein. Das ist hier die frage." (The picture on the right with Sammy K and me is from that night.)
Sahabzada Yaqub Khan has done and been so many things, that it is hard to know where to begin describing his career in the short space that I have. An aristocrat from the royal family of Rampur, he has served as a soldier, statesman, diplomat, and chairman of the board of trustees of Pakistan's finest university, among other things, and has excelled in each of these roles. In 1970, he was a Lieutenant General in the Pakistan army, and governor of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) when he was ordered by the military dictator of Pakistan at the time, General Yahya Khan, to have troops forcibly put down the mutiny there, which had spilled out into the streets. It is a testament to Sahabzada Yaqub's moral courage that he refused, and resigned instead. Yahya, of course, found less-conscientious generals to do his dirty work, and the result was a massacre of Bengali civilians before a humiliating defeat in war when India stepped in on the side of the insurgents, and ultimately the dismemberment of Pakistan. This is a dark chapter in Pakistani history for which the government has yet to apologize to the Bangladeshi people. Sahabzada Yaqub Khan is, however, still celebrated as a hero in Bangladesh. (His moral convictions haven't changed, either. The last time Sahabzada Yaqub visited New York in July, 2004 he came over for drinks and pizza--he is a man of sophisticated tastes who still enjoys simple things--and more than anything else, that day he repeatedly expressed his shock and dismay at the behavior of U.S. soldiers at Abu Ghraib. What particularly galled and appalled him was that the troops took such delight and pride in their torturous abuse that they felt compelled to record it on film--as if they wanted to be able to relive it. The lack of shame was what disturbed him the most.)
Soon after the debacle of 1971, when a properly-elected civilian government had taken power in Pakistan, Sahabzada Yaqub was offered, and accepted, several diplomatic appointments, serving as Pakistan's ambassador to France, the Soviet Union, and the United States. Let me illustrate his reputation as a cold-war strategist with a quick anecdote: one day Sammy K and I were searching through some old packed boxes of Sammy K's for a 70s punk rock record, when I came upon an official looking document, with the seal of the President of the United States on it. On examination, it turned out to be a letter from Nixon to Sahabzada Yaqub, written while Nixon was president, and (I am quoting from memory) this is roughly what Nixon had to say: "It was a pleasure meeting you and spending some time talking to you. Alexander Haig had told me that you are probably the most astute geopolitical thinker alive today. Having met you, I believe this was an understatement. Call me anytime." Or words to that effect.
From 1982 onwards, Sahabzada Yaqub Khan served as Pakistan's foreign minister in various governments. He was a central figure in the UN negotiations to end Soviet involvement in Afghanistan. From 1992 to 1994, Sahabzada Yaqub was also the United Nations Secretary General's Special Representative for the Western Sahara. And in November 1999, as I have already mentioned, Sahabzada Yaqub traveled to various countries as President Musharraf's special envoy. While Sahabzada Yaqub was in America as part of that tour, William Safire wrote an editorial in the New York Times in which, amongst much else, he said that for clarification about the situation in Pakistan he turned to "the most skillful diplomat in the world today: Sahabzada Yaqub Khan."
Though he has always been fiercely protective of his privacy, politely refusing to write his memoirs despite great public demand (including entreaties over the last few years from me), Sahabzada Yaqub Khan has recently allowed some of his writings to be collected into book form: Strategy, Diplomacy, Humanity, compiled and edited by Dr. Anwar Dil, had its launch earlier this month at a ceremony at the Agha Khan University in Karachi. Here is a description of the book from the AKU website:
...the book Strategy, Diplomacy, Humanity contains Sahabzada Yaqub-Khan’s selected writings, with photos spanning his entire life, culled from his lectures, articles and speeches between 1980s and the present day. They describe his thoughts on national strategy, diplomacy, world affairs, education and his vision of a world of dialogue and peace for all of humanity. In the foreword, Shaharyar M. Khan, former foreign secretary of Pakistan, describes the book as “essential reading for the student of modern history, diplomatic strategy, and the art and craft of negotiations. They reflect the outpourings of a brilliant analyst whose immense talent was applied towards achieving pragmatic objectives in Pakistan’s national interest.”
I have been unable to obtain the book, but even without having seen it yet, I can safely urge you to get a copy and read it if you can. I also hope that Sahabzada Yaqub overcomes his reticence soon and writes the detailed memoirs that history demands of him.
Among other things, Sahabzada Yaqub Khan is a true polyglot: he can speak, read and write somewhere between 6 and 10 languages. While he was governor of East Pakistan, he learned Bengali and delivered public addresses in it, which went a long way toward assuaging their concerns of cultural dominance by West Pakistan. He is also a stylishly impeccable dresser (he was voted best-dressed several years in a row by the Washington diplomatic corps). My greatest joy in his company, however, remains his inimitable explications of the deeper philosophical implications buried in Ghalib's couplets, of which he has been a longtime and enthusiastic student. In short, he is a man with many and diverse qualities.
Have a good week!